Recent books such as American Psychosis by David Corn, It Was All a Lie by Stuart Stevens and American Strife) counter the myth of a Republican Party dedicated to egalitarian principles from the Civil War until Trump rode down the escalator in Trump Tower. Since the early 1960s, the Republican Party has tried to limit American citizens’ voting rights. Republicans do not believe they can consistently persuade voters to give them political power. But the question is, what policies do Republicans support that most American voters will not join? Watch this space!
Disillusioned and former Republicans have developed a cottage industry claiming their party was pristine and egalitarian until Donald Trump dirtied it with authoritarianism. William H. Rehnquist, Chief Justice and Associate Justice of the Supreme Court from 1976 until he died in 2005, an esteemed Republican, intimidated and harassed blacks and Latinos to discourage them from voting in the early 1960s. And when asked whether he had blocked voters denied it and perjured himself. One witness testified that he saw Rehnquist approach two black men waiting in line to vote, challenge their ability to read and ask them to leave. Another witness, James J. Brosnahan, a former U.S. attorney, testified that he saw Rehnquist in a predominant black and Latino precinct challenge voters to discourage them from voting. Brosnahan said he had been summoned to the precinct because of complaints about Rehnquist’s conduct. Two other witnesses also testified that they saw Rehnquist approach and attempt to intimidate voters.
Recent books such as American Psychosis by David Corn, It Was All a Lie by Stuart Stevens and American Strife) counter the myth of a Republican Party dedicated to egalitarian principles from the Civil War until Trump rode down the escalator in Trump Tower. Since the early 1960s, the Republican Party has tried to limit American citizens’ voting rights. Republicans do not believe they can consistently persuade voters to give them political power. But the question is, what policies do Republicans support that most American voters will not join? Watch this space!
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Almost eight years ago, on February 26, 2015, Oklahoma Senator James Inhofe, and the leading Senate Republican on climate change (Chair of the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee), brought a snowball to the Senate floor. Senator Inhofe’s purpose was to prove that climate change was a hoax. After all, according to the Republican’s leading Senate expert on climate change, unseasonably cold temperatures in Washington, D.C. meant that the earth’s climate was not changing. Of course, in other places, it was unseasonably warm.
Weather is the mix of events that happen in the atmosphere. The weather is different in different parts of the world and is subject to short-term changes. On the other hand, the climate is the weather over extended periods in a specific region. As Hurricane Ian, the latest of increasingly severe natural disasters, confronts the U.S. and weather disasters regularly rock the rest of the world, even the most extreme climate deniers have begun to notice. Globally, researchers have found about a 30 percent increase in category 4 and 5 hurricanes like Hurricane Ian as the earth’s temperature increases. Ian is likely to cost $50 billion to $70 billion. Compared to the increasingly severe weather events we are now experiencing; Senator Inhofe’s snowball is even less convincing than it was. What is convincing is the similarity in thinking between “establishment Republicans” like Senator Inhofe and some of the newer Republicans like Representative Marjorie Taylor Green, another climate denier. (She claims climate change makes our planet safer because it produces carbon dioxide!) Despite an abundance of evidence showing that Trump has acted as a foreign agent for decades, most observers seem reluctant to admit even the possibility. After Trump married his first wife, Ivana, the Czech secret police (StB) began monitoring the couple. Monitoring prominent foreign citizens who frequently visited Czechoslovakia was a well-known practice of Eastern bloc secret services. According to Yuri Shvets, a former KGB undercover spy stationed in New York City, the KGB began actively recruiting and coaching Trump when he visited Russia in 1987. On his return to the U.S., Trump took out full-page adverts in the Washington Post, New York Times, and Boston Globe criticizing U.S. foreign policy. Specifically, Trump called for U.S. withdrawal from NATO and accused Japan of exploiting the U.S. by not paying for its defense.
As President, Russia and Vladimir Putin benefitted from some of Trump’s acts. In addition, Putin helped by weakening the U.S., the leading democratic republic in the world, and further legitimizing authoritarian countries like Russia. As a result of withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal, Putin benefits immediately from an increase in the price of petroleum products, Russia’s only viable exports. In addition, Putin has been frantic to have the economic sanctions placed on Russia by the western alliance removed. The bite of these sanctions is due to the collaboration between the U.S. and its European allies. Withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal, the Paris Climate Accords, and other acts, such as the imposition of tariffs, have strained relations between the U.S. and its western allies. As a result, the consensus on which the sanctions against Russia depended might have been weakened. Given the Russian interest in recruiting Trump as an asset and the benefits Russia has derived from his leadership, it seems highly possible that Trump is a Russian asset. Nonetheless, observers seem incredibly reluctant to consider this possibility. This reluctance is so extreme that when confronted with the possibility that Trump is an agent or at least an asset (someone unaware that they are acting as a spy). While Trump was President, this reluctance may have been an attempt to normalize political life following its disruption by Trump’s election. Some people may be trying to ignore a distressing and chilling event. Others may not be able to see the horrific implications of slowly developing events. Since Trump was defeated in his bid for re-election, we have discovered just how horrific those implications are. For example, we have found that Trump was on the verge of withdrawing from NATO. If that had occurred, the repercussions for Ukraine would have been catastrophic. Also, we have now discovered that Trump typically traveled with classified documents that he left in his hotel rooms. And following the execution of a search warrant on Trump’s Mar-a-Largo Golf club, we found out that Trump had stolen thousands of classified documents. Trump returned some of these classified documents after the government executed a subpoena. However, Trump did not return over a hundred highly classified documents until the Department of Justice executed a search warrant. Why are so many observers still unwilling to say that Trump is an agent? Why did Trump steal these documents? Did Trump randomly select these documents, or do they form a pattern? We do not have answers to these questions, yet. But given everything we now know about Trump; a rational person would consider the possibility that Trump is an asset or agent of a foreign government. According to Mark Leibovich’s book, Thank You for Your Servitude, Donald Trump’s only well-developed intuition was his ability to sniff weakness in others. Whether Trump’s intuition about people is accurate, he probably believes it is. And while we cannot be sure what Trump thinks of Attorney General Merrick Garland, there is reason to believe he considers Garland a pushover. Garland is soft-spoken and gentlemanly. And after Garland executed the search warrant on his Mar-a-Largo golf club, Trump sent Garland a threatening message. Trump asked a Department of Justice (DOJ) official to tell Garland that he had been in touch with people around the country and found them enraged by the search. According to Trump, the country was on fire. He asked Garland what he could do to reduce the heat.
Trump’s view of Garland as a weakling increases the likelihood that he will attempt to squelch any DOJ indictment against him by pressuring Garland. Given where we are as a country, trying to pressure Garland will likely involve stirring up his hardcore followers. And that is likely to produce violence. Anything Garland and the Department of Justice can do to convince Trump of their seriousness quickly may reduce the likelihood of violence. Some legal analysts assume that if judges are not beholden to the president who appointed them, they are free from improper obligations. The three-judge 11th Circuit panel ruling in favor of the Department of Justice and against Donald Trump is proof of that pudding. Trump appointed two of the three judges on that panel.
But the judges Trump and other Republican presidents appointed over the last 20 years do not owe their appointments only to the president. With few exceptions, appointment to the federal bench by Republican presidents requires approval by the Federalist Society. Often these judges must have shown their loyalty to the principles of The Federalist Society. The Federalist Society is a multi-function organization of law students and lawyers who espouse and debate conservative legal principles. In addition, The Federalist Society is a “vehicle for powerful interests … to acquire control of the judiciary to benefit their interests.” Koch Industries, other Koch-network foundations, Donors Trust, the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, and other right-wing groups fund The Federalist Society. The aims of The Federalist Society can be inferred from the other groups these right-wing billionaires are financing. For example, these billionaires would like to eliminate most public schools and functions of the federal government, like the Environmental Protection Agency, the Department of Labor, Social Security, and Medicare. There is no indication that these billionaires want classified documents strewn around to potential enemies of the United States. Although one Trump-appointed District judge did not seem to care about protecting classified documents, her carelessness seemed peculiar to her personality. The ruling against Trump of the other two Trump-appointed judges does not conflict with the Federalist Society principles promoted by the Society’s right-wing donors.
Biden confirmed that Republicans whom he characterized as MAGA Republicans were semi-fascists who had rejected the U.S. Constitution and the rule of law. Biden called out these MAGA Republicans for trying to turn the clock back on our country and nullify the votes of millions of Americans who did not share their views. They have made their choice and now openly embrace violence. Nonetheless, Biden tried to maintain some semblance of bipartisanship by splitting off the violent MAGA Republicans from other Republicans and claiming most Republicans still upheld democratic values. Some of the same Republicans Biden tried to appease were quick to fault Biden’s speech for being partisan and unfair to Republicans. Conservative writers like Ross Douthat criticized Biden for listing his administration’s accomplishments and noting Republican opposition to abortion and same-sex marriage as implicit criticisms of Republicans. According to Douthat, opposition to Biden’s agenda, abortion, and same-sex marriage are policy issues on which Republicans can legitimately disagree with Democrats. They are fundamental pillars that underlie democracies. Denying people autonomy over their bodies or the right to marry whom they wish are more than simple policy issues. Moreover, being opposed to specific issues is not solely anti-democratic. In addition, democracies are based on the methods one uses to promote or oppose issues. Too often, within the last few decades, Republicans have been willing to lie, distort, or use other dishonest means to dispute issues with which they have disagreed. Douthat cited Biden’s accusation of Republican acceptance of violence to achieve their ends without mentioning the violence associated with George Floyd as one example of Biden’s unfairness to Republicans. But this same example shows how Republicans have become dependent on distortion. According to law enforcement agencies, 97 percent of the George Floyd protests were peaceful. Moreover, agents provocateurs or operatives associated with extremist groups like the Proud Boys were associated with inciting violence in those protests where violence occurred. As crucial as the speech was, President Biden did omit some things that could have made it more robust. First, President Biden outlined only one tactic for defeating the semi-fascists: splitting off MAGA Republicans from Republicans. It is a reasonable tactic, but it does not clear how effective it will be. And because of the gains, the semi-fascists have made in stacking state houses and putting in place the mechanisms needed to undermine future elections. Second, President Biden did not say enough about why MAGA-Republicans have rejected democracy and have become enamored of fascism. What problems do they have with democracy, and how do they believe fascism would be able to address those problems? Do they, for example, suppose that fascism is fairer or will provide more equality? More understanding of what MAGA Republicans want might suggest a strategy for Democrats to use in negotiating with them. Coups and civil wars are more nuanced now. They do not require tanks rolling down streets. And civil wars do not require armed men firing on forts. Popular leaders at the head of a dominant party that can seize or subvert key institutions are enough. To effectively foil coups or civil wars, one needs to recognize their imminence before too many vital institutions have been captured. Despite the willingness of some Trump-appointed judges to rule against Trump’s bogus claims that 20 there was widespread fraud in the 2020 presidential election, many analysts continued to view Trump judges with suspicion. This suspicion became more acute when Trump-appointed judge, Aileen Cannon, defied most legal reasoning and ruled in favor of Trump. Most legal analysts considered Cannon’s ruling so unreasonable that many observers believed that her ruling was corrupt. A phrase in her ruling that ascribed special privileges to a former President supported this view.
Based on Judge Cannon’s behavior, many observers inferred that the approximately 234 judges appointed by Trump should be viewed with suspicion. Several rulings by Trump-appointed judges also raise questions about the objectivity or competence of those judges. One judge, for example, found that a peaceful protestor shot with bean bag pellets resulting in the loss of hearing and vision, did not find excessive use of force. Another Trump-appointed judge ruled against an airline employee who was by the airline after complaining that a supervisor compromised safety by curtailing the production of a safety manual for pilots. Reviewers who have looked at the Trump judges have found them to be very conservative (more so than judges appointed by George W. Bush), younger, had spent more time in politics, and had less private-sector experience. Together these characteristics suggest that rulings by Trump-appointed judges will be outside the bounds of other federal judges. If we want a federal judiciary that we can rely on for sound and just decisions, we must mitigate the influence of the 30 percent or so of Trump-appointed judges. We cannot continue denying the toxic impact of Trump judges. The Ukrainian war against the Russian invaders is as fierce a fight for democracy as those of us in the U.S. who support democratic self-government are waging against the fascist MAGA Republicans. Moreover, pro-democracy participants say they can spare no effort to save democracy. Yet, neither struggle makes one sense that everything that could be done is being done. Some observers have given two reasons for moderation in the fight against Russian aggression.
Even though the unexpected failure of the Russian Army to perform effectively against the Ukrainian Army, some observers still expect it to reassert itself and defeat or, at least, stalemate the Ukrainian Army. Interestingly, Russian President Putin is increasingly relying on irregular volunteers and proxy forces rather than the elements of the Russian Army. Putin has lost confidence in regular Russian Army forces. Other observers also argue that if Russian troops cannot defeat or stalemate the Ukrainian Army, Putin will unveil his chemical or nuclear weapons. But regardless of the weapons used, the failures of the Russian Army do not suggest that changing the choice of weapons will infuse them with more success. Using chemical or nuclear weapons will undoubtedly bring NATO forces into the battle on the Ukrainian Army's side to ensure the Russian Army's defeat. Despite the differences between these two situations, there is one similarity. Some observers of the U.S. fight believe that going after fascists will make the country look like a "banana republic" and persuade even more people to become fascists. Observers also call for moderation in addressing the threats posed by fascists in the U.S. They do not articulate their reasons as clearly as Putin observers. Without proof, observers can find reasons for moderation even when the stakes are admittedly high. The mainstream media have denied the Republican Party’s extremist drift. However, this denialism was encouraged by Democratic politicians who also wanted to maintain a façade of normalcy. While the rise of Donald Trump in the Republican Party made any pretense of normalcy impossible to maintain, the deniers could blame Trump for the tilt toward fascism. But the signs of this tilt were there for decades. Stuart Stevens, a longtime Republican operative who wrote a book, It Was All a Lie, detailed the signs he, as an insider, ignored. Outside observers, however, cannot offer the excuse of being too close to the trees to see the forest.
Recently, several new books (The Right by Matthew Continetti; Partisans by Nicole Hemmer; and American Psychosis by David Corn) have been published that make precisely this point: the Republican Party had begun its tilt toward fascism decades ago. Of course, even without the objective assessment of the media, the threat to American democracy posed by the Republican Party should have been evident. Beginning in 2001, Rick Perlstein wrote four books (Before the Storm; The Invisible Bridge; Nixonland; and Reaganland) that described the faults within the Republican Party that would eventually break it. The critical question is why many Democrats, people in the mainstream media, and other observers were oblivious to the evidence that something was seriously wrong with the Republican Party. And does this attempt at normalizing the overthrow of our democracy make it more likely that there will be other attempts? By the 1890s, whites demolished the political blacks had gained during Reconstruction. Stopping blacks from voting was not simply about political power. The right to vote symbolized citizenship and equality. If blacks could vote, they would be citizens with rights equal to whites. Whites used various techniques to disenfranchise blacks and restore blacks to an inferior status. One of the most effective techniques was the poll tax (a monetary tax paid to vote). One white man reported that in a county of 40,000 blacks, no more than 50 were qualified to vote. Besides poll taxes, whites used literacy tests, property ownership, and residency requirements to make it nearly impossible for blacks to vote. Whites were exempted from any of these tests if their fathers or grandfathers were entitled to vote in 1867. These mechanisms had little effect on the ability of whites to vote, even if they were illiterate.
Although the Supreme Court struck down poll taxes in 1966, a new form of poll tax has been devised recently by Republican Secretaries of States. Charging this new poll tax relies on the employment status of voters; many Democrats are hourly workers whose take-home pay depends on the number of hours they work. Many Republicans, on the other hand, are salaried workers whose income does not depend on the number of hours worked. In close elections, the difference in the number of hourly versus salaried workers can make swing an election. To make this difference even starker, Republican Secretaries of State reduce the number of voting machines in Democratic neighborhoods. The result of this reduced access to voting machines is to increase the hours these voters must take off from work. In effect, this increases the size of the poll tax. Just as whites in the 1890s wanted to put blacks in their place, MAGA Republicans and some other Republicans wanted to reestablish their superiority over blacks, browns, and non-Christian Americans. Too many techniques used in the bad old days are being dusted off for use today. We will have to re-learn how to fight those techniques. |
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