Why Democratic politicians are unable to make a robust case for democracy as the foundation on which a strong economy, the right to reproductive health care, education, and other freedoms depend remains a mystery to me. Republican politicians do not support democracy. Republicans now support illiberal democracy (see my October 10, 2022, blog).
I am confounded by two related blunders in Democratic messaging this cycle. First, Democratic politicians praise democracy and declare that we must fight to maintain it. But they never say why democracy is essential. It is almost as if they believe democracy is important because we have had it for over 200 years. Second, Democratic politicians and strategists claim that they must speak to the issues of uppermost concern to voters. These issues include the economy, abortion, inflation, education and schools, immigration, climate change, and crime. These have in common that democracy underlies our ability to address them. Without democracy, a ruling elite will decide the country's path to each of these issues. Our choices will be limited.
Why Democratic politicians are unable to make a robust case for democracy as the foundation on which a strong economy, the right to reproductive health care, education, and other freedoms depend remains a mystery to me. Republican politicians do not support democracy. Republicans now support illiberal democracy (see my October 10, 2022, blog).
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Some MAGA Republicans now show a preference for illiberal democracy or authoritarianism. An illiberal democracy is a governing system in which the ruling elite allows their citizens to vote but denies them the information or rights needed to exercise the right to vote effectively. Viktor Orban, the Prime Minister of Hungary, who describes Hungary as an illiberal democracy, won his last election by about 18 percentage points, giving his party a two-thirds majority. Orban's opponent partly attributed his loss to his inability to access media. Unsurprisingly, many MAGA Republicans who prefer an illiberal democracy also admire Orban. Those MAGA Republicans who want the U.S. to become an illiberal democracy are silent about what aspects of an illiberal democracy they favor. They favor a white Christian nation with no homosexuality, although they do not say how they intend to make that happen. But they do not say what other aspects of an illiberal democracy they favor or are willing to accept.
We can only speculate what an illiberal U.S. democracy would look like. Fascist Italy or Germany in the thirties, Eastern Europe today, including Hungary, or the authoritarian U.S. South in the twenties or thirties do not provide a realistic picture of an illiberal U.S. The U.S. is too different. But we do have the policies that libertarians like the Kochs and their far-right donor networks have advocated and actions Trump either implemented, tried to implement, or said he favored. The areas in which we can expect are as follow:
Many MAGA Republicans support and would dispute the elimination or curtailment of many of these rights. For example, MAGA Republicans certainly support gun rights. But if Trump and his clan should become leaders of a perpetual ruling party, would that party support all citizens' access to guns? Similarly, MAGA Republicans now favor free speech, but in an illiberal democracy run by MAGA Republicans, I suspect their view of this and many other rights would change. The mainstream media was surprised at Herschel Walker’s hypocrisy. He encouraged and paid for a girlfriend to obtain an abortion. The media knew Herschel had four kids with women whom he had not married or participated with in raising the kids. Presumably, the media was surprised that Walker claimed publicly to be opposed to abortion while encouraging and paying for abortion services to benefit himself. I am astounded at the media’s reaction. First, the media must know that Republican politicians lie and are hypocrites as a part of their job descriptions. But more importantly, in the second place, Republican men view themselves above the rules that others must follow. Anyone who does not understand these two facts about Republicans will not report very insightfully about them. But I am also astounded at the media’s coverage of Hershel Walker’s fertility issues for a second reason. Competing with the Walker story was that OPEC, including Saudi Arabia, would reduce its oil production by 2 million barrels. Of course, the media mentioned the story, but only to pause before resuming the Hershel saga. The media could defend its coverage of Walker by saying that the outcome of his Senate race could determine which party controls the Senate. That argument would genuinely be sad. The cost of OPEC oil will partly determine the price of gas and the amount of inflation. Every Senate and House race could be affected. Perhaps Republicans were right, and Walker’s celebrity made him an overwhelming candidate. The summer of 1919 saw a burgeoning white nationalist reaction to blacks. George Edmund Haynes, the first executive director of the Urban League, identified more than 38 riots and 48 lynchings in cities across the country. Whites expressed animosity toward blacks for a variety of reasons. Following WWI, whites faced an economic downturn and increased competition with black workers for jobs and housing. White capitalists used blacks and ethnic European strikebreakers with native white workers. Also, the Communist Revolution in Russia provided capitalists with a concrete example of how socialist and communist influences among black and ethnic white workers native would further harm native white workers.
In addition to the economic strain, many native white workers resented the efforts of blacks to change their social status. Many blacks had migrated from the South to cities in the North or border states. Spurred partly by their achievements during WWI, blacks were unwilling to accept their previous societal treatment. When white mobs attacked blacks, blacks fought back with equal violence. We are a long way from 1919, but there are some striking similarities. Some whites feel economic strains and resentment at the achievements of people of color. There is also a growing threat of more violence, following the individual violence we have seen in the mass shootings and the organized violence we saw on January 6. As grateful as we must be that Joe Biden is President instead of Woodrow Wilson, we must also be uneasy that today’s white nationalists are embedded in more substantial networks than previous white nationalists. “History does not repeat itself, but it rhymes.” One of the hallmarks of the last decade has been the absolute denial of some events about things that I had considered irrefutable. Trump’s bogus claim that he won the 2020 presidential election, the big lie, has been adopted by millions of MAGA Republicans. They also deny that Donald Trump lost the 2020 presidential election. People deny other, more esoteric issues, like climate change and the need for vaccinations to decrease the risk of [long] Covid. But MAGA Republicans and conservatives are not the only ones who deny facts some of us consider incontrovertible. Some people with whom I agree on many issues deny some unarguable issues. One such issue is the affinity of Republicans to authoritarianism or fascism. Many Democrats deny that the current Republican Party has become a white nationalist party that supports fascism.
One of the explanations for the willingness of people to deny issues that others can support with evidence is derived from the Kitty Genovese murder. In 1964, Kitty Genovese returned home from work late in the evening. Winston Mosely, a stranger, followed Genovese to her home and killed her. The attack occurred outside an apartment complex where, according to news stories, 38 people watched the killer stalk and stab Genovese. The 38 witnesses represented a range of reactions. Some witnesses could see the attack, but not very well and only fleetingly. Other witnesses could only hear the sounds of the attack and were not certain what was happening. And at least one witness did intervene. Applying what we learned from the Genovese murder, at least three things are necessary for witnesses to help. They must notice the events that might signal help is needed, know how to render assistance, and feel individual responsibility for helping. That is, if a large group of witnesses is present, then the responsibility of any one person to give aid is reduced. “If they don’t help, why should I?” When we fail to render help or correct a situation that calls for change, we may deny the need for help or deny that we are responsible for fixing the problem. If we apply what we learned from this murder, we may be willing to ignore evidence because we do not know how to acknowledge it. Because of the opposition of Democratic Senators Sinema and Manchin to a voting rights bill, President Biden and the Democratic Congressional leadership decided to prioritize infrastructure and climate change bills. According to numerous civil rights groups and national civil rights leaders Reverend Al Sharpton and Sherrilyn Ifill, the failure to pass a voting rights act were due to the White House’s emphasis on other legislation. The Democrats failed to remind voters that the President needed Congress to pass legislation. Thus, failure to pass voting rights undermined a critical campaign promise that promised to undermine the motivation of Democratic campaign workers. As a result, Biden had to bear the brunt of the blame for not passing voting rights.
The Democrats’ failure to pass voting rights jeopardized the likelihood that they could keep a majority in the House. But they saw another path to minimizing losses in the midterm election. The press reported that some White House staffers hoped to out-organize Republicans and use court battles to stave off a complete rout. If so, those staffers are curiously unaware that for the last decade or so, Republicans have out-organized Democrats. Republicans have relied on a media infrastructure anchored by Fox News and radio stations throughout the country to spread lies. Nonetheless, it has delivered for Republicans on election day. And one only must look at the Supreme Court to see that depending on the federal judiciary to follow the rule of law is a flawed strategy. Without voting rights, Democrats do not have much chance of retaining the House in November. Of course, the anti-abortion ruling by the Supreme Court, the January 6 and Mar-a-Largo stolen classified documents investigation, and the legislative victories that President Biden and Congressional Democrats have achieved should minimize losses. If Democrats had realized earlier they had a chance to carry the midterms; they might have started earlier to run strong campaigns. But they did not go after Republicans like they had a chance to win. And now the structural advantages that Republicans have, such as gerrymandering and conservative rural districts, maybe too much to overcome. Not all is lost. If Democrats can learn lessons from the midterm, such as effectively communicating, they may still have a chance in 2024. I will have more to say on this later. |
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