Even if Joe Biden is elected President, Trump’s supporters, with or without Trump, will persist in their efforts to turn our democracy into an authoritarian regime. Authoritarian regimes are forms of government whose essential characteristic is centralized power, exercised by one person or a small group of people who limit the political power of the governed. Trump’s election and his success in recruiting officials who are willing to undermine our democratic institutions confirm the presence of those who favor authoritarianism over democracy. Other Trump supporters believe authoritarianism will enhance and protect their financial interests. And some want authoritarianism because they think it will slow social change, solidify their social status, or maintain white supremacy.
While the number of those supporting democracy has been greater than those supporting authoritarianism, authoritarianism has always had supporters in this country. Together these authoritarian supporters probably account for no more than a third of the American electorate. Another ten to fifteen percent of Americans are willing to accept authoritarianism because they do not see how it will diminish their opportunities. When the first colonists arrived in North America in 1607, the authoritarian English king, James I, ruled. While the colonists declared their independence from England in 1776, they did not formally gain their freedom until they had defeated the British in 1783.
The most profound American struggle between democracy and authoritarianism took place between the factions writing the U.S. Constitution in 1787. One faction represented by Alexander Hamilton proposed a governing plan that gave widespread power to an executive. Other factions proposed more limited executive powers. But support for American authoritarianism did not end with that struggle, nor with the successes of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal and the defeat of fascism in World War II.
Authoritarians continued their fight. They muted their message and weaponized their money to roll back the New Deal and sabotage democratic institutions. As the Republican Party became increasingly comfortable with authoritarianism, Donald Trump was able to capture the party and begin the final phase of making America an authoritarian country despite most voters supporting democracy. This march toward authoritarianism is, of course, being aided by the Republican Party’s contempt for the truth and debasement of the rule of law. Also, Trump and Republicans are using several structural obstacles embedded in the Constitution to bring about an authoritarian regime.
While the number of those supporting democracy has been greater than those supporting authoritarianism, authoritarianism has always had supporters in this country. Together these authoritarian supporters probably account for no more than a third of the American electorate. Another ten to fifteen percent of Americans are willing to accept authoritarianism because they do not see how it will diminish their opportunities. When the first colonists arrived in North America in 1607, the authoritarian English king, James I, ruled. While the colonists declared their independence from England in 1776, they did not formally gain their freedom until they had defeated the British in 1783.
The most profound American struggle between democracy and authoritarianism took place between the factions writing the U.S. Constitution in 1787. One faction represented by Alexander Hamilton proposed a governing plan that gave widespread power to an executive. Other factions proposed more limited executive powers. But support for American authoritarianism did not end with that struggle, nor with the successes of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal and the defeat of fascism in World War II.
Authoritarians continued their fight. They muted their message and weaponized their money to roll back the New Deal and sabotage democratic institutions. As the Republican Party became increasingly comfortable with authoritarianism, Donald Trump was able to capture the party and begin the final phase of making America an authoritarian country despite most voters supporting democracy. This march toward authoritarianism is, of course, being aided by the Republican Party’s contempt for the truth and debasement of the rule of law. Also, Trump and Republicans are using several structural obstacles embedded in the Constitution to bring about an authoritarian regime.
The Constitution established that electoral victory requires a geographic distribution as well as a majority of voters. But Democratic voters are not efficiently distributed throughout the country. Consider the House of Representatives. Because Democrats are disproportionately clustered in urban districts, many of their votes are “wasted.” Voters can only elect one representative in a Congressional district. After a Democratic candidate receives 51 percent of the votes, additional votes for that Democratic candidate do not affect the election. On the other hand, A Republican candidate who receives 51 percent of the vote has usually captured most of the Republican voters in that district.
Democrats are also disadvantaged in elections for the Senate. Each state, regardless of size, has two Senators. Because rural areas predominate in some sparsely populated states and rural voters are more supportive of Republicans than Democrats, Republicans are more likely to win elections in those states. Of the 21 states that are at least 50 percent more rural than the national average, Republicans are more likely to win in 15, while Democrats tend to win in only one (Vermont). Of the 18 states that are more urban than average, Democrats usually win in 12, while Republicans typically win in only Texas and Utah. In 2018, the year Democrats took the House, three incumbent Senate Democrats lost their bids for re-election.
The electoral disadvantage faced by Democrats in rural areas might be less daunting if voters in these rural areas were not so strongly Republican. But the rural Republican advantage is based on economic deprivation, predominantly white residents, and self-sorting that has yielded an authoritarian-leaning population. In the short-term, it will be difficult for Democrats to reverse the Republican rural advantage. In the meantime, there are several things Democrats can do to address the rural disadvantage. First, Democrats need to propose policies and run candidates who are acceptable to rural voters. In national elections, the more numerous left-leaning voters in urban areas cannot overcome the disadvantage of less numerous Republican voters in rural areas. Second, if Democrats can capture the Senate, they need to mitigate their weakness by eliminating the filibuster. A slim Democratic majority will be meaningless if 60 votes are required to break a filibuster. Of course, if Democrats can add the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico to the union, they should.
The distribution of Democrats impairs their ability to hold Republican presidents accountable or determine who sits on the federal judiciary. Because rural areas are whiter than urban areas, people of color are also harmed. And, of course, the Democratic disadvantage in the Congress is mirrored in the electoral college, the real decider of who wins the presidency.
If Biden is elected President, we will have to continue our struggle against the authoritarian ideology Trump represents. Trump’s cult-like supporters, with or without Trump, will continue trying to establish an authoritarian regime. Our usual concerns about affordable health care, jobs and housing, police brutality, and so on must not overshadow the need to uphold democracy. The priorities of the Biden administration must reflect the reality of the struggle against authoritarianism.
And, of course, if Donald Trump wins re-election, then we will need to use all the power we have to resist his efforts to destroy the U.S. further. Unless we fight, we will become an authoritarian country for the remainder of our lives.
Democrats are also disadvantaged in elections for the Senate. Each state, regardless of size, has two Senators. Because rural areas predominate in some sparsely populated states and rural voters are more supportive of Republicans than Democrats, Republicans are more likely to win elections in those states. Of the 21 states that are at least 50 percent more rural than the national average, Republicans are more likely to win in 15, while Democrats tend to win in only one (Vermont). Of the 18 states that are more urban than average, Democrats usually win in 12, while Republicans typically win in only Texas and Utah. In 2018, the year Democrats took the House, three incumbent Senate Democrats lost their bids for re-election.
The electoral disadvantage faced by Democrats in rural areas might be less daunting if voters in these rural areas were not so strongly Republican. But the rural Republican advantage is based on economic deprivation, predominantly white residents, and self-sorting that has yielded an authoritarian-leaning population. In the short-term, it will be difficult for Democrats to reverse the Republican rural advantage. In the meantime, there are several things Democrats can do to address the rural disadvantage. First, Democrats need to propose policies and run candidates who are acceptable to rural voters. In national elections, the more numerous left-leaning voters in urban areas cannot overcome the disadvantage of less numerous Republican voters in rural areas. Second, if Democrats can capture the Senate, they need to mitigate their weakness by eliminating the filibuster. A slim Democratic majority will be meaningless if 60 votes are required to break a filibuster. Of course, if Democrats can add the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico to the union, they should.
The distribution of Democrats impairs their ability to hold Republican presidents accountable or determine who sits on the federal judiciary. Because rural areas are whiter than urban areas, people of color are also harmed. And, of course, the Democratic disadvantage in the Congress is mirrored in the electoral college, the real decider of who wins the presidency.
If Biden is elected President, we will have to continue our struggle against the authoritarian ideology Trump represents. Trump’s cult-like supporters, with or without Trump, will continue trying to establish an authoritarian regime. Our usual concerns about affordable health care, jobs and housing, police brutality, and so on must not overshadow the need to uphold democracy. The priorities of the Biden administration must reflect the reality of the struggle against authoritarianism.
And, of course, if Donald Trump wins re-election, then we will need to use all the power we have to resist his efforts to destroy the U.S. further. Unless we fight, we will become an authoritarian country for the remainder of our lives.